March 8: A Decade of Feminist Resistance in Georgia

March 8 in Historical Context

The idea for International Women's Day originated from the socialist women's movement in the early 20^th century. It is associated with German feminist and socialist Clara Zetkin, who envisioned it as a global day dedicated to celebrating women's political and socio-economic emancipation.

However, throughout the 20^th century, due to various historical and political circumstances, the significance of March 8 shifted multiple times. Its observance became specific to the contexts of individual countries and even integrated into national cultures and traditions (Wolf, 2020).

In the Soviet Union, March 8 was co-opted early on as a tool for state agitation and propaganda, with women being both the primary target and the weapon of this effort. This occurred in Georgia as well. Shortly after the Sovietization of the country, the local Communist Party took control of March 8 (Mushkudiani & Tskifurishvili, 2018). As a result, its original meaning, rooted in Clara Zetkin’s vision of a fight for women's rights and equality, was lost. The party replaced it with propaganda, where women's struggle was equated with that of the proletariat (Wolf, 2020).

Nevertheless, these propaganda strategies gradually faded in relevance. Increasingly, March 8 diminished in political significance, particularly in the late Soviet period. Though initially established as a holiday, it became superficially observed – marked by the giving of “bambanerka”[1] and flowers to women. Despite this, it’s important to note that during this time, or perhaps even earlier, women, particularly in non-urban areas, reclaimed the day in their own way. They transformed it into a collective tradition, involving women-only gatherings centered on celebration and feasting. In essence, it was the only day when women were free from family responsibilities, allowing them to enjoy festivities and leisure (Ghviniashvili, 2020). These celebrations often included elements of carnival and cross-dressing[2].[3] I suspect that the way March 8 was celebrated in rural areas may have echoed Georgian public holidays and centuries-old traditions of merry-making, which had faded under Soviet rule.

The specific timing and circumstances surrounding the decline of the tradition of celebrating March 8 are still uncertain. However, since the 1990s, in independent Georgia, commercialization trends surrounding International Women's Day have gradually increased. This shift has been accompanied by a rise in gender-targeted advertising, primarily promoting products associated with domestic work or beauty standards for women. Many of these advertisements are overtly sexist and misogynistic. While attempts to commercialize the day continue, feminist resistance has reduced its overtly sexist nature, especially compared to the early 2010s.

Reclaiming March 8: “Listen to me!”

The 2010s marked the emergence of independent, informal feminist initiatives that significantly altered the landscape. Efforts were made to re-politicize March 8 and restore its original meaning, which was linked to the struggle for women’s emancipation and equality. The first such effort came from the independent feminist initiative “Independent Group of Feminists” (IGF), which appeared in the public sphere in 2011. IGF was an informal, unregistered, and non-hierarchical feminist group with values and practices radical for the time, characterized by its openly feminist stance and focus on bringing feminist issues to the forefront of public discourse (Gvianishvili, 2016).

In 2012, the IGF organized a protest march titled “This is Not March 8”with the aim of restoring the day’s original focus on women’s rights and emancipation (WIC Georgia, 2012). The group hoped that March 8 would once again become a significant day for highlighting important issues affecting women. This goal began to be realized the following year.

In 2013, the rally saw a notable increase in size. Although it lacked a specific message, the main slogan, “Listen to Me!” aimed to draw attention to pressing issues, including women’s bodily autonomy. The rally also prominently featured messages against patriarchy (Independent Group of Feminists, 2013).

A More Political March 8

In 2014, the IGF’s rally had a specific focus: the protection of women’s labor rights. The event underscored that the origins of March 8 are closely tied to this cause. According to the rally’s statement, “The establishment of March 8 is primarily related to the protection of women’s labor rights. Although more than a century has passed since then, discrimination against women in the workplace remains one of the biggest problems in the field of women’s rights” (Independent Group of Feminists, 2014). Labor rights have repeatedly been a focal point for the IGF, which has also actively engaged in May Day and other actions aimed at safeguarding workers’ rights, reinforcing its commitment to feminist principles.

In 2015, the landscape shifted with the emergence of the “Georgian Women's Movement,” a significant new presence in the public sphere. Founded in November 2014 in response to femicide and violence against women, the “Georgian Women's Movement” quickly became the largest feminist group to date. It promptly brought issues such as gender quotas and increased female participation in politics to the forefront. The March 8 rally organized by the group, under the slogan “More Women in Politics,” was held not only in Tbilisi but also in other cities across Georgia. Several political parties and female politicians supported the rally (Danelia, 2015).

It is important to note that by this time most of the IGF’s queer members had left due to ideological conflicts, while other active members transitioned to leadership roles within the “Georgian Women's Movement.” The “Georgian Women's Movement,” with its focus on legal reforms related to quotas and gender violence, aligned itself with a more liberal feminist ideology. However, it later made attempts to address economic issues and collaborate with left-wing feminist groups (Tabidze, 2017). In contrast, the IGF continued to maintain its stance as a radical feminist group both in terms of ideology and its methods of expression.

During the next March 8 celebration in 2016, efforts to collaborate were evident. The “Georgian Women's Movement” organized an action in front of the parliament to demand quotas, which was joined by other feminist groups, including the revitalized IGF, the newly founded left-wing feminist group “Women's Gaze,” the organization “Young Greens,” and various queer initiatives. The flags and posters carried by the marchers gave the protest a distinctly queer character (Gvianishvili, 2016), which reportedly intimidated and drove out the politicians invited by the “Georgian Women's Movement.” This led to heated discussions in the following days about cooperation with the state, forms of resistance, and potential and existing allies, all of which were influenced by differing feminist-ideological perspectives. Additionally, conversations emerged about the need for an intersectional approach within feminist groups, including the importance of diverse public political messages and providing a platform for women’s groups with varied identities and experiences. As a result of these dialogues, future March 8 actions became more varied in terms of both messages and participants.

In 2017, a notable march organized by the IGF alongside other feminist and queer groups stood out for its particularly radical messages concerning women's bodily autonomy and sexuality. The rally highlighted issues such as blackmailing women with private photos/videos, sexual harassment in workplaces and public spaces, intrusive interference in women's private lives, violence, and rape (Mefarishvili, 2017). The protest’s focus was closely tied to then-recent events and grievances (Public Defender of Georgia, 2017). This rally also reaffirmed the crucial alliance between queer and feminist groups.

That year, the “Georgian Women's Movement” held the action-performance “Shatter the Glass Ceiling,” which addressed the invisible barriers women face in the workplace that hinder their career advancement (Georgian Women's Movement, 2017). Although this topic might have seemed new and different at first glance, it was thematically and strategically aligned with the movement’s ongoing focus on women’s political participation and quotas. The movement also highlighted the existence of a glass ceiling within political parties (Mefarishvili, 2017). Through this performance, the movement aimed to draw attention to the obstacles that prevent women from fully engaging in politics.

It is likely that the focus of the “Georgian Women's Movement” events, which differed from those of other feminist groups, and the separate celebrations of this day were influenced by disagreements over ideological and strategic approaches from the previous year.

In 2018, the IGF sought a new format for its rally-march, organizing the FeminisTour to “reclaim women's history and celebrate the achievements of feminist foremothers” (Independent Group of Feminists, 2018). It is important to note that the local feminist and women's activist history has been significant for Georgian feminist groups from the outset. Alongside their research into this history, they have actively incorporated it into their feminist strategies. Since 2012, nearly every March 8 rally has featured at least one banner showcasing excerpts from the early 20^th-century feminist newspaper “Voice of a Georgian Woman” or quotes from contemporary feminist thinkers.

That year, the “Georgian Women's Movement”, in collaboration with queer and transgender activists, dedicated March 8 to advocating for the rights of transgender women, highlighting issues that were of particular concern to this group. One major issue was the “inhumane procedure for changing gender markers” on ID cards (Georgian Women's Movement, 2018). The rally took place in front of the Ministry of Justice, with the primary demand being that the state recognize and facilitate the process of changing gender markers in identity documents for transgender individuals.

It is important to note that, unlike many feminist groups in Western countries, Georgian feminist groups have been trans-inclusive from the outset. This inclusivity was likely influenced by the presence of trans activists within these groups, as well as the other members’ familiarity with Western theories and experiences regarding transgender issues.

United Fight for Justice and Equality

In 2019, the call for cooperation was revived, bridging past divisions, when the “Georgian Women's Movement” and the IGF came together to organize a joint action-performance-march titled “Sexual Violence Is a Crime”. This event echoed the local #MeToo campaign (Independent Group of Feminists, 2019). The “Georgian Women's Movement,” with its greater advocacy experience and international connections, focused its efforts on developing effective mechanisms for improving legislation and its enforcement, which led to significant steps by the state, such as the adoption of the law on sexual violence in May 2019 (Tarkhnishvili, 2019). Various feminist groups directed their efforts towards both sexual emancipation and raising awareness about sexuality, which involved sharing knowledge and experiences. As a result, more women began to speak out, and an increasing number of cases of sexual violence and harassment were reported. This process has been challenging and continues amid significant backlash. While the #MeToo movement in Georgia was initiated by local groups, the global #MeToo campaign, which had gained traction in previous years, also played a role in strengthening the local fight.

The annual feminist march was not held in 2020 due to the pandemic and again in 2022 due to the outbreak of the war in Ukraine.

In 2021, despite the pandemic, the “Georgian Women's Movement” successfully organized a well-attended rally titled “Thousand Parents' March” (Jam News, 2021), a continuation of the 2019 protest. This time, the focus was on violence against girls. The rally, part of a broader campaign against violence towards girls and women, called for active state reforms to address systemic issues and emphasized the urgent need for sex education in schools. The “Thousand Parents' March” was a response to the tragic suicide of a 14-year-old girl who had been a victim of rape (Bogveradze, 2021). Participants highlighted society’s exclusion, shaming, and harmful reactions towards victims that can lead to devastating consequences.

In 2023, feminists confronted a new and dangerous reality. The largest single action-march in history, titled “Women Against Total Control,” emerged from protests against the government-backed Russian “Agents of Foreign Influence” law. The rally, entirely organized by women in both its theme and logistics, became part of the larger mass demonstrations that had begun days earlier. It joined other rallies on the same day, expressing firm opposition to the government’s attempts to establish total control. Women, in all their diversity—from queer and ethnic minorities to those living in rural regions—were the prominent voices of the protest. In a special manifesto issued at the rally (Jam News, 2023), feminist groups ensured that women’s voices were heard within the larger movement, upholding intersectionality and reflecting on past and present struggles from a distinctly female perspective. This rally, charged with emotional solidarity, fostered a massive sense of pride and dignity. It was also a rare moment where a much wider audience directly heard critical issues raised by women.

I believe that March 8, 2023, has finally proven that this day will continue to hold significant political weight, firmly engraining itself as a day of struggle for justice and equality, thanks to the dedicated efforts of feminist groups over the last decade. Despite differences in ideology, strategy, and agenda-setting, these groups have managed to unite over time around critical issues, enhancing intersectionality and diversity. The March 8 rallies have become an integral part of civil activism in Georgia, with their content and main messages shaped by concurrent public struggles and priorities. It is crucial to sustain this momentum, and for feminist movements to build on their past experiences and lessons, channeling their efforts into broadening their areas of activism.

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